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- I find these pictures of World
War II leaders as children

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kind of fascinating, because it
grounds you. It makes you realize

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that there is a whole story there of
environment, of development through their

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childhood, through their teenage years.
You just remember they're all kids.

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Except Stalin. He was looking
evil already when young.

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- Well, people used to not
smile in photos as well.

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So looking at historical
photos of children,

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or sometimes even kids in other
cultures, it's like, "Oh,

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why are they all so serious?" But our
creepiness radars are also way off.

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This is something that I've been
interested in for a long time as

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well, is that we have this intuitive
perception of whether or

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not somebody is trustworthy. And that
intuitive perception, according to

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ample studies at this point,
is not to be trusted. And one thing in

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particular is whether or not we think
someone is creepy, including children, but

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usually the research is done, of course,
on adult faces and with adults.

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And only recently did
we even really define

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what that vague feeling of creepiness is.

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It has a lot to do with not following
social norms. This is something

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we see that transfers to other contexts,
like why people are afraid of

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people with severe mental illness
and psychosis. If you're on

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the bus or the Tube in London,
and someone's talking to themselves

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and they're

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acting in an erratic way, we know that
people are more likely to keep a distance.

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There

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There was one study where they literally
had a waiting room where they also had

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people with chairs, and the question was,
"How many chairs would you sit away

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from someone you know has
a severe mental illness?"

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And the answer is you sit more chairs

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away, and there's a physical
and psychological distancing that's

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happening there. And it's not
because people with severe mental

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illness are inherently more violent
or more dangerous. That is not

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actually what the research finds.
It's that we perceive them as such

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because we perceive them as

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weird basically. We go, "This isn't
how you're supposed to be behaving, and

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so I'm worried about this and so I'm
going to keep my distance." And so

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creepiness is much the same,
and that's where you can totally misfire

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whom you perceive as creepy just because
they're not acting in the way that you

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expect people to act in society.

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- Well, what are the sort of concrete
features that contribute to our creepiness

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metric? Is that meme accurate that
when the person's attractive, you're

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less likely to label them as creepy?

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- It depends. If they're too
attractive, it can be. So there's-

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There's, there's effects
that interact there.

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- That's hilarious.

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- And we also don't trust people
potentially who are too attractive.

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But again, deviation from the norm.
And so if you're

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deviating in any way, that can lead to

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well, your assessment being more wrong,
but also you assessing people as more

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negative. And so with creepiness, the

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main thing that bothers me
as a criminal psychologist

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is that tangential to creepiness
is this general idea of trustworthiness

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and that you can tell whether somebody
is lying. And I've done research on this,

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as have lots of other people, like Aldert
Vrij is one of the leading researchers on

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deception detection.
And he has found in so

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many studies that it's really
hard to detect whether someone is

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lying reliably, and that people,
especially police

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officers, people who do investigative
interviewing, they have this high

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confidence level that they,
because of their vast experience,

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can in fact tell whether the person
across from them is lying to them,

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this witness, the suspect. And the answer
is that, even that, if you take them into

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experimental settings, they are
no better than chance at detecting

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lies, and yet they think they are.
And so again, you get into this path

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where you're going to miss people who
are actually lying to you potentially, and

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you're going to potentially
point at innocent people and say,

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"I think you're guilty of this

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crime," and you go hard on that person in
a way that might even lead to a wrongful

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conviction.

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- So it's the fact that it's
very difficult to detect lies and

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overconfidence in policing
creates a huge problem.

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- Not just policing, in relationships
and in lots of other contexts as well.

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I mean, a lot of jealousy is born
out of uncertainty. Jealousy isn't,

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"I know for sure

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that you have done something that
is threatening our relationship."

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A lot of jealousy is, "What's in

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my head because I am assuming
that you might be thinking or doing

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X." And that is also
basically an exercise in lie

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detection. And there as well,
we are very bad at it.

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- Is there a combination of the dark
tetrad and how good you are at lying?

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Like, are people with certain
traits, maybe psychopathy,

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are better at lying than others?

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- There's definitely some research
to support the idea that people

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with psychopathy are better at lying.

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There's also some research
specifically on sort of faking good

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in, for example, parole decisions.
So when it comes up to

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someone who is... There's a legal
decision to be made as to whether this

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person can be released from prison or
released from just detention in general.

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And then the person will
act in a particular way, sort

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of mimic a good prisoner, mimic
someone who's safe to be released into

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society. And then the committee
goes, "Oh, well, you know, this,

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this person's doing great,"
and so they're ready to be released.

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And then they make the wrong decision
because that person has been faking it.

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So I think with psychopathy,
it's a bit complicated. There has been

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some sort of, historically as well,
some concern that certain treatment for

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psychopathy, especially empathy-focused
treatment, makes people with

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psychopathy more likely
to fake empathy and to

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weaponize it. But then there's other
research which finds that if you use other

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kinds of interventions,
so like Jennifer Skeem in

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California who does research
on people with psychopathy who have

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committed severe crimes. And she
specifically creates these treatment

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programs that aren't

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just around empathy, but they're
more around almost learning the rules

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of society

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and convincing people that actually
being pro-social is a better way to get

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what you want in life.
And so there's a real need

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for tailored treatments to deal
with especially certain kinds of

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personality traits, dark personality
traits, to try and convince people

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basically, actually being
pro-social is the better path, rather

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than just going hard on, you know, empathy
and things that they don't maybe also see

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as faults with themselves. - Is there a
psychological cost to empathizing with...

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- so-called monsters?
You referenced Nietzsche in the

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book, you know, "Gaze into
the abyss, the abyss gazes into

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you." If you study, quote unquote,

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"evil" or study monsters
that you may become that.

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Is there a danger of that?
I don't think so. I think that's what

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people fear. So, a lot of the Nietzsche
quotes I use as well are... Some of them I

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like because they speak to the
chapters I write about, but...

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and the issues I write about.

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But some of them I also like because
they are how people think about evil

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and people who are labeled evil. And

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I do think with gazing into
the abyss and the abyss gazing back,

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it's more of a...
You're trying to find it.

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And that's why in some ways that doesn't
work actually, because it isn't a total

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blank. It isn't the abyss.
There are in fact things that you can see,

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even, even if it's just superficially,
and patterns you can recognize to help

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you and key decision-makers,
especially in legal settings, make better

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decisions around people like this.
So, when they see these patterns,

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they act a better way.
So yeah, I get asked a lot

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as a criminal psychologist, "Do you
carry the cases that you deal around

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with you?" So, some of the
cases involve, you know, huge

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amounts of witnesses,
huge amounts of potential victims,

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and so in these cases
there are very visceral

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victims, and so in these
cases there are very visceral

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descriptions sometimes
of heinous crimes. And

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I think that as someone
who does this work, you

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can't be someone who sees it
as anything other than a puzzle.

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So, you have to look at it and go, "Here's
the different pieces of information.

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What I am doing is pattern recognition.
I'm not here to emotionally

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invest in each of these
victims or potential victims.

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That's not my role. There's therapists for

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that. There's other
people who do that work.

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I am here working
with the police. I'm here

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working with lawyers. I'm here
looking at it more objectively

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to see how this all fits together."
And so, I think that's how

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I engage with it. I see it as this puzzle
that I'm trying to figure out. I worry

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for my own brain that
when I confront people

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and see them as a puzzle,
which I do. I see the beauty in

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the puzzle. All the puzzles
look beautiful to me.

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I'm sometimes like a Prince
Myshkin character from The Idiot

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by Dostoevsky, where you just see...
It's not the good in

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people, but the beauty
in the puzzle. And I

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think you can lose your footing
on the moral landscape if you

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see the beauty
in everything a bit too much.

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Because, everyone is interesting. Everyone

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is complicated.
It's the classic scientist response as

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well to what other people in society go,
"Ooh." They go, you know, "This

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is horrible," or, "This atrocious
thing has happened," or, "This shocking,

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existential crisis inducing
thing I've just found is, you

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know, giving me existential crisis."
And scientists instead go, "Oh,

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wow!" And you can sort of see
the delight in discovery as well.

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And I think sometimes scientists
read as callous because we

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enjoy this discovery of knowledge
and the discovery of insights.

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And it just feels like this little light
bulb has gone off and you go, "Oh, I

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understand a tiny bit more about the human
experience or about the world around us."

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And I think it must be similar. I don't
know that I feel or worry that I sort

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of become more, quote unquote,
"evil." I think it's more

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that you add this nuance, which

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I guess sometimes can be estranging
to other people. So, there's that.

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When you speak with

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others, sometimes, like even when I say,
"We shouldn't use the word evil,"

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people go, "No, but you have to. Does
that mean you're trivializing things?"

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The answer is no, I'm not

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trivializing. I'm just trying
to understand. Also, sympathizing

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or being empathetic towards people whom
others have written off is always going to

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get that response
from some people. I mean,

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there are real questions around whom we're

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platforming and what that has and what
role we have as content creators,

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both of us, of the people we
talk about, how we cover them. I

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often come across this in true crime
work that I do, because I get asked

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to do TV shows. I host TV shows,
and I host BBC podcasts.

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And there's always the question
of sometimes people commit

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murder to become famous.
And should it be a

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blanket ban that we
don't cover those cases,

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or should we cover those cases but in

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a different way, or should we
anonymize the… So, it doesn't mean that

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you should never cover that case. It just
means that you need to think about it.
