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Right now, somewhere in a wealthy country,

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there's a young person who woke up
this morning with no work, no school,

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and no plan to look for either.

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and tomorrow will be the same
and the day after that.

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Except it's not just one person.
Today, 262 million young people are living

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exactly like this. That's 1 in 4
worldwide. And they even have a name.

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They're called NEETs,
not an employment education or training.

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Now, the instinct most people have when
they hear that is pretty predictable.

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Lazy generation, too soft, should just
get off their phones and get a job.

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If you've ever had to sit through
a family dinner with anyone over 55,

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you've probably heard some
version of this already.

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But the data tells
a more complicated story,

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because youth unemployment has actually
been going down across most wealthy

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nations at the same time.

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So by the official measure,
young people are doing fine.

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It's just that the official measure of
youth unemployment only counts people who

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are actively looking for jobs,
so it misses the rest of them.

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441878....unemployment statistics,

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there are roughly three more
who aren't counted at all.

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lazy ones your uncle was talking about
at dinner. But if your uncle were right,

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the picture would look very different.
You wouldn't expect it to skew so heavily

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toward people with health
conditions and disabilities,

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or to be concentrated in places
where jobs are hardest to find.

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And you wouldn't expect it to be
getting worse in countries that,

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by every other economic measure,
are supposedly doing well.

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Something structural is going on.
The foundational promise of every modern

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economy is that each generation enters
the workforce, contributes to it,

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and does a little

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share of young people is struggling
to become economically active at all,

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let alone build a better
life than their parents. So,

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what exactly is a NEAT and why does
it tell us something about the economy

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that unemployment figures never could?
Why is this happening now and why is it

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happening everywhere at once?

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And finally, what does it actually cost
and do we already know how to fix it?

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Now, to understand why the NEAT number
tells us something the unemployment rate

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never could, you need to understand
how the unemployment rate is built.

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The unemployment rate counts people who
don't have a job and are actively looking

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for one. And actively
is the word that matters here.

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Because to be counted as unemployed,
you have to be sending applications,

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attending interviews,
registering with job centres,

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and responding to job listings.
The moment you stop doing those things,

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for whatever reason, you're no longer
unemployed and become what economists call

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economically inactive,

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you. Since unemployment benefits in most
countries are tied to actively looking

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for work, stopping looking
cuts you off from the support.

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The unemployment rate is useful
for counting people available and ready

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to work right now, but it was never
designed to answer the much bigger

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question of how many young people are
genuinely struggling to build a productive

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life. And that means it
misses a lot of people,

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like the ones who stopped looking after
months of rejection and those who can't

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work because of a health condition
that has never been formally diagnosed.

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There are also the ones caring for a sick
parent or a young child with no one else

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to help, and those who live in towns where
the available jobs pay less than the cost

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of getting to them. None of these people
are unemployed in the technical sense,

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they're just invisible to the economy and
the neat measure was invented specifically

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to fine them. By capturing everyone
between 15 and 24 who isn't working,

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studying or in any formal training,
regardless of whether they're looking

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or not, we're able to get a much more
complete picture of what's actually going

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on. In 2023, only 6% of young
people globally were unemployed,

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but 20.4% were NEAT. Now it's worth being
honest about what's inside that measure,

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because not every NEAT is the same,
and if you treat them as if they are,

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the policy response ends up
aimed at the wrong people.

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countries where the story
looks quite different.

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There, entire regions lack
the infrastructure for formal employment,

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and in parts of sub-Saharan
Africa and the Middle East,

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conflict has simply made
education and work impossible.

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In most of those regions, young women are
also kept out of work by early motherhood

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or cultural expectations.
Those are real and serious problems,

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but they're a topic for a different video.

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What we're focused on here
is the needs in wealthy nations.

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These countries have functioning
economies, good education systems,

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and social safety nets,
and yet the problem exists there too.

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two very different groups of needs,
living very different lives.

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The first group are
the voluntarily disengaged.

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These are young people
who have made a deliberate,

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if sometimes questionable, choice to step
back from the conventional path for now,

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or they are simply between
things and on their way back in.

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Some are holding out for the right
opportunity rather than taking the first

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thing that comes along, while others are
trying to build something on their own.

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And some, if we're being honest, are just
riding it out at their parents' house,

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waiting for something to change.

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But they're a minority, and a smaller
one than the headlines tend to suggest.

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In Europe, where we have
the most detailed data,

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they account for only one in five NEETs.
The other four in five are people who are

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disconnected from work or education,
less by choice and more by circumstance.

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Some are actively looking
for work but not finding it,

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while others have become discouraged
after so many rejections that they stopped

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trying altogether.

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86% in 2015 to 44% in 2025,
nearly doubling in a single decade.

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Then there are young people with
caretaking responsibilities and this one

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skews heavily female. 1 in 5 NEAT
women are looking after children,

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compared to just 1 in 30 for young men.
When childcare costs more than the job

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pays, or when there's
simply nobody else to help,

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the choice to work doesn't exist.
Now despite how different the situations

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of the vulnerable NEATs are, the data
points to the same profile every time.

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They tend to come from
lower income families.

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They're more likely to live
in rural areas than in cities,

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and the less education someone has,
the higher the risk. In the US,

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a quarter come from families
earning less than $25,000 a year,

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and the rate among black youth is more
than 50% higher than among white youth.

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Patterns like these point much more
towards structural disadvantage than

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individual choice.
If this were just a laziness problem,

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you wouldn't have nearly a million young
people in the UK sitting in this category

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right now. The highest number in over
a decade in a country that spent years

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making progress on exactly this problem.
And while meat rates in most wealthy

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countries have been improving for years,
that progress has now stalled.

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Now at this point you're
probably wondering,

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if these young people have no
paycheck and no training wage,

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who's actually paying for dinner?
The short answer is mostly their parents.

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more than half of American parents with
a child over 18 are providing financial

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support, at an average
of nearly $1,500 a month.

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The state picks up some of the rest,
mostly through health-related benefits

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for those who can't work.
But the full answer is more complicated.

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We go into it in depth
in our next newsletter,

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which you can subscribe to through
the link in the description.

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So how did we get here? Why is the
economy failing so many young people?

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The honest answer is that this didn't
happen because of one thing.

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Several things went wrong at once
and young people ran into all of them at

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the start of adult life when you
have nothing to cushion the fall.

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For most of the 20th century, the economy
had a reasonably reliable first rung

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on the ladder. Jobs like factory
work, admin roles, data entry,

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retail management or customer service
didn't require much experience.

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Entry level jobs also paid a living wage
and taught you enough about how to show

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up, take direction and build a work
history that the next job became easier

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to get. They weren't glamorous, but for
an 18 year old with no credentials and no

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connections, they were the way in.

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Those jobs are now disappearing.
Automation took the most routine roles

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first, like data entry, basic processing
and repetitive customer service

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interactions, and now AI is doing
the same to entry level white collar work.

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Between late 2022 and mid 2025, employment
for new workers in the jobs most exposed

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to AI fell 6%, while older workers in
those same fields actually saw employment

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grow. The gig economy
absorbed much of what remained,

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replacing stable entry level employment
with flexible work that sounds appealing,

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until you realize it offers no
progression, no training and no way up.

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Now, the obvious response to all
of this is "go to university,

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get the degree and that should
open the door to better roles".

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And despite everything, it's true that
a degree is still effectively required

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for most good jobs, whatever
the job posting actually says.

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Companies have spent the last few years
publicly dropping degree requirements,

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but fewer than one in 700 new hires
actually benefited from those changes.

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So the degree is still the price of entry.

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The problem is what it now costs to get
one and what it actually delivers on

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the other side. In the UK,
tuition fees tripled in 2012. In the US,

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the average student borrower carries
nearly $40,000 in federal debt alone.

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Young people took on that debt on the
reasonable assumption that a degree would

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translate into a graduate level job,
but the labour market hasn't kept up.

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In 2024 over a million students graduated
from UK universities in a single year,

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but the share of them landing in roles
that actually require a degree has fallen

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to its lowest level since 2014.

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And for the first time on record, the
unemployment rate for recent US graduates

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has started to exceed
the overall unemployment rate.

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So the degree costs more than it used
to and delivers less than it promised.

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And the jobs that didn't require
one have largely disappeared anyway.

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On top of all that,
the post-pandemic hiring boom has cooled,

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hitting young workers first. In the UK,
employment among young people in 2025

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still hadn't recovered
to where it was in 2019,

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even as adult employment
has grown steadily. Now,

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that alone would be a serious problem,
but it's also happening at a moment when

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getting to the jobs that do exist
has become a challenge in itself.

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The best jobs in any given field
tend to cluster in specific cities,

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finance in London and New York,
tech in San Francisco.

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For previous generations,
moving to where the opportunity was

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a reasonable rent. In 1960 the typical
renter spent less than a fifth of

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their income on housing, Today it's
closer to a third, and that's the average.

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In the cities where the jobs actually are,
it's considerably worse than that.

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In Sydney, the income you need just
to rent a typical apartment without being

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in financial stress has jumped from
$88,000 in 2019 to $130,000 in 2025.

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young worker in New South Wales earns
around 54,000 Australian dollars.

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In the US, 3 in 5 Gen Z renters
are now classified as rent burdened,

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spending more than 30% of their income
on housing before accounting for anything

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else. In cities like Los Angeles
and San Diego, it's closer to 3 in 4.

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The result is that young people put 2
and 2 together and decide the move simply

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isn't worth it. So they stay in the town
they grew up in where the opportunities

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are thinner and the neat risk is higher.
Or they move back in with their parents,

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which is now the living situation
of roughly 1 in 4 young adults in the US,

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up from 1 in 9 just 50 years ago.

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And while that arrangement
can make financial sense,

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it often comes with a growing feeling that
adulthood has been indefinitely delayed.

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None of this, it turns out, is
particularly good for your mental health.

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The share of young people in the UK
reporting common mental health conditions

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has risen from 19% in 2014
to nearly 26% today. In Australia,

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the prevalence of depression among young
adults more than doubled between 2007

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00:10:55,729 --> 00:10:58,533
and 2021. And in the US,
for the first time on record,

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young people aged 18 to 24 are now more
likely to report poor mental health than

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people twice their age. Now,
the obvious question is, which came first?

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health crisis already developing on its
own and simply made navigating those

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00:11:14,324 --> 00:11:17,110
pressures harder. Well,
it's genuinely a bit of both.

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And that's what makes
this so difficult to fix.

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The structural pressure
argument is intuitive.

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A generation dealing
with an unstable job market,

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serious debt and housing they can't afford
is a generation under chronic stress.

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And chronic stress
is detrimental to mental health.

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The pandemic made things
significantly worse,

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00:11:34,022 --> 00:11:36,648
but young people were already
struggling long before.

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The numbers started moving in the
wrong direction as far back as 2011,

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years before the post-pandemic jobs crunch
and the current cost of living crisis.

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In the UK, depression among young people
aged 15 to 24 had already nearly doubled

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00:11:48,985 --> 00:11:53,330
between 2003 and 2019. And struggling
with your mental health at 15 doesn't make

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showing up to school any easier,
which means your qualifications suffer.

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Worse qualifications mean worse
options in the labour market,

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which makes mental health worse.
Each step makes the next one harder,

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and the further someone
gets down that chain,

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the harder it is to pull them back.
Now for the ones who do make it through

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and actually land a job, well,
the conditions on the other side aren't

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00:12:12,927 --> 00:12:17,267
exactly a relief. One job,
it turns out, increasingly isn't enough.

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There are now a record 1.35 million adults
in the UK working at least two jobs,

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00:12:21,973 --> 00:12:24,467
and it's Gen Z driving
most of that growth.

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00:12:24,550 --> 00:12:28,396
and yet more than two thirds of them still
rely on parents or family for essentials

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like rent, groceries or bills.
For those working a single job,

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00:12:31,415 --> 00:12:33,604
the hours don't stop
at the hours you agreed to.

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Over a third of workers say their
employer expects them to work beyond

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their contracted hours, and nearly
a quarter of Gen Z's answer work emails

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outside normal hours
at least five days a week.

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The gig economy promised
flexibility, which sounds good,

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but that flexibility mostly just means
the risk sits with the worker rather than

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the employer. You're available when they
need you, and the rest is your problem.

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Half of Gen Z workers report feeling
burned out, and the friendships,

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the local communities, the places to
switch off that previous generations could

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fall back on, those have been
thinning out for years too.

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So some young people who do find work
eventually decide it simply isn't worth

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it. And when they step back, there's
less pulling them back in than there used

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to be. Moving back home used to come
with a kind of unspoken social pressure.

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You were expected to get on with it,
get out, become financially independent.

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But that pressure has largely
gone now, and on the other side,

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you're not going to be able to do it.

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Honestly, given everything we've
just described, that's probably fine.

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But it does mean that one of the informal
mechanisms that kept people in the labour

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market, even when conditions were
rough, has largely disappeared.

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Now all of this has a price
tag and it's not a small one.

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Eurofound puts the cost of NEATS
to European economies at 142 billion euros

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a year, distributed across foregone taxes,

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lost productivity and benefits paid
out to people who aren't working.

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Now, if you want to see what happens when
a country ignores all of this long enough,

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Japan is probably the clearest example.

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Japan's economy has had a difficult
few decades, to put it mildly.

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The asset price bubble burst in the early
1990s and stable jobs dried up almost

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overnight. Japanese employers had always
hired fresh graduates in a single annual

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cohort and now graduates who expected
to walk into permanent employment found

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themselves cycling through
low-paying part-time work instead.

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The economy narrowed, the entry points
closed and they never really reopened.

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One in four Japanese people in their 20s
will be NEAT at least once over any four

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year period. More than half of them
experience NEAT status multiple times.

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And even in a society with enormous
stigma around falling behind,

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some young people gave up
on getting back into work.

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And then they gave up on going outside.
It got bad enough that they had to invent

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a word for it, hikikomori, which
refers to people, mostly young men,

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who don't go to work or school
and barely leave their room.

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And as surprising as that sounds,
this is the reality for 1.5 million people

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in Japan right now.
That's 2% of everyone aged 15 to 39.

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The average time people spend like
this is around 10 years. 10 years.

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That's not a bad patch or a rough
few months. That's a decade,

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largely alone. Japan didn't set out to
build a society where a million and a half

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people disappeared into their bedrooms.
It just built an intensely competitive

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education system, an economy
with narrowing entry points,

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and a welfare system that relied
heavily on families to absorb the strain.

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Once families reached their limit, there
was little left to catch people falling

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out of society.

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in South Korea, the US, Singapore
and much of the developed world.

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But Japan is where the problem has been
running the longest and gone the deepest.

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There's even a name for what happens when
it's left unaddressed for a generation,

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the 80/50 problem. Parents in their 80s
still supporting children in their 50s who

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never re-entered society.

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That's two people who should
be contributing to an economy,

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one through spending
and one through working,

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both effectively removed from it.
And when those elderly parents die,

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many of their children have no income,
no work history and nowhere to go.

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So a million and a half people in their
bedrooms and parents in their 80s still

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paying the bills is what it looks like
when this problem is left unaddressed

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for an entire generation.

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And look, it would be easy to stop there
and leave you feeling terrible about

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the future. But that's
not quite the full picture,

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because some countries have
actually figured parts of this out.

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Across Europe NEAT rates vary enormously,
from above 22% in Italy and 19% in Greece

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to slightly above 5% in the Netherlands.

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And before anyone says it's
a cultural or attitude thing, it isn't.

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When you look at what the Loenik
countries are actually doing,

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the same answers keep appearing. It all
starts with treating non-university routes

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00:16:20,796 --> 00:16:24,278
as a genuine first choice, not a backup
plan for people who didn't make it

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to university, which is how most
wealthy countries currently treat them.

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The countries that do this well run
what's called a dual education system,

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where vocational students split their time
between the classroom and real workplaces,

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so they graduate with work experience,
employer relationships,

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and a foot already. This family
is on the brink of civil war.

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00:16:43,703 --> 00:16:48,052
The new season of Mobland is now streaming
on Paramount+. We are the Hardigans!

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00:16:48,135 --> 00:16:52,036
Don't know the net? Then Google us!
From the underworld of Guy Ritchie.

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00:16:52,119 --> 00:16:54,700
Do you want to step up
the ladder? Here we go.

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00:16:57,880 --> 00:17:01,020
Do I have to do everything myself?

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00:17:08,350 --> 00:17:12,038
In the Netherlands, 90% of recent
vocational graduates were in employment

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in 2024, well above the EU average. Which
means more young people with a clear path

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00:17:16,408 --> 00:17:20,509
forward, which means fewer NEETs, which
means significantly less strain on public

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finances. The other thing the low NEET
countries get right is catching young

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00:17:24,518 --> 00:17:28,516
people before they disengage entirely.
Because pulling someone back after years

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00:17:28,599 --> 00:17:32,080
out is dramatically harder and more
expensive than not losing them in

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00:17:32,164 --> 00:17:32,927
the first place.

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00:17:33,010 --> 00:17:36,854
To do that, they make childcare
affordable enough that work actually pays.

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Sweden does this better than
almost anyone. As a result,

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nearly 80% of women are in the workforce
and its NEAT rate of 6.7% is well below

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00:17:44,154 --> 00:17:44,927
the EU average.

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00:17:45,010 --> 00:17:49,374
Sweden also has housing policies that make
it possible for young people to actually

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00:17:49,458 --> 00:17:53,715
live near where the jobs are. And then
there is what Denmark calls "flexicurity".

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Flexible hiring combined with strong
safety nets and active retraining

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00:17:57,550 --> 00:18:01,110
programs, so you can lose a job
without it becoming a life sentence.

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00:18:01,194 --> 00:18:05,129
The system actively helps you into
the next job rather than just paying you

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00:18:05,213 --> 00:18:07,380
to stay home. Denmark's NEAT rate is 6.2%,

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00:18:07,463 --> 00:18:11,774
well below the EU's strategic target to
keep the NEAT rate at 9% or below by 2030.

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That's not an accident.

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00:18:15,010 --> 00:18:18,145
theory and the numbers make
a pretty compelling case for trying.

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00:18:18,228 --> 00:18:21,766
In the UK alone, getting every region's
NEAT rate down to match the best

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00:18:21,849 --> 00:18:24,934
performing one would add £26
billion to the economy every year.

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00:18:25,017 --> 00:18:28,705
And that's just what you gain. It
doesn't include the money you keep losing

316
00:18:28,788 --> 00:18:32,175
in welfare payments, health costs
and decades of foregone tax revenue

317
00:18:32,258 --> 00:18:36,047
from people who stayed out long enough
that re-entry stopped being realistic.

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00:18:36,130 --> 00:18:39,587
That bill is considerably harder
to calculate and considerably larger.

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00:18:39,670 --> 00:18:43,998
So why has no one fixed it? Partly because
the lazy generation story is a lot easier

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00:18:44,082 --> 00:18:47,885
to tell than the structural one,
and it's certainly a lot more politically

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00:18:47,968 --> 00:18:51,877
convenient. If you believe that framing
the policy response is motivational,

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00:18:51,960 --> 00:18:54,398
lecture the unemployed,
sanction their benefits,

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00:18:54,481 --> 00:18:58,547
tell them to lower their expectations.
But if you accept what the data actually

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00:18:58,630 --> 00:19:02,118
shows, the response looks completely
different. Structural problems,

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00:19:02,202 --> 00:19:04,670
unlike lazy generations,
can actually be fixed.

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00:19:09,670 --> 00:19:12,977
political will to do it. And fixing
it matters beyond just the young people

327
00:19:13,061 --> 00:19:16,458
directly caught up in it. None of us
can look forward to a stable future when

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00:19:16,541 --> 00:19:19,397
millions of young people around
the world don't have decent work,

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00:19:19,480 --> 00:19:22,335
can't build a life, and are
checking out of the economy entirely.

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00:19:22,418 --> 00:19:25,635
These are the people who are supposed
to be driving growth, paying taxes,

331
00:19:25,718 --> 00:19:27,941
and yes, supporting the rest
of us when we get old.

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00:19:28,024 --> 00:19:30,427
Now for the first time since
the industrial revolution,

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00:19:30,510 --> 00:19:34,044
younger generations in wealthy countries
are struggling to exceed their parents'

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00:19:34,127 --> 00:19:35,867
wealth despite overall economic growth.

335
00:19:35,950 --> 00:19:40,101
and this is changing our economies. We've
made an entire video unpacking exactly why

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00:19:40,185 --> 00:19:43,310
that is. You should be able
to click to it on your screen now.

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00:19:43,660 --> 00:19:44,960
Thanks for watching, mate.

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Bye.
